On the contrary, it argues, China actually developed nuclear weapons to safeguard world peace. That is, a chapter on economic developments in capitalist countries after WWII would show a division of East vs. West, whereas the growth of the non-aligned movement would show a division of North vs. South. Finally, referring to the dominant narrative of the emerging multipolar world order, China is primarily portrayed as a successfully modernising power on the rise. Cover Design by: Golam Kabir Price: TK 375.00 ISBN:984-08-0147-3 The failures of the Soviet Union are rooted in its leaders’ shortsightedness and insufficiently ‘scientific’ understanding of the conditions they face (People’s Education Press 2011b, 99–100). In turn, both developments allow it to negotiate the return of Hong Kong and Macau from a position of strength and to regain its seat in the UN, major victories for China (People’s Education Press 2011a, 81, 103, 107–15, 129, 2011c, 85). China, it seems, is coming out of nowhere. Second, the USA and the USSR are not predominantly described as representatives of opposing social systems and ideologies. ‘China and the Cold War after Mao’. Its consistent nature of revolving depicts the power cycle dynamics in international relations. Such proposition was based on the increasing powers of the emerging economies by strengthening relations amongst them. Whereas textbooks in years past emphasised anti-imperialist struggles in the Third World to the point of excluding all other aspects of those countries’ histories, that theme has dwindled as the textbook authors’ priorities have changed (Martin 1990, 96–101). Cite as. While the creation of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the Bretton Woods system in general is explained as a way for the United States to control other capitalist countries after WWII, the textbook treats the functioning of these organisations positively and credits them with promoting economic development. However, the eventual disintegration of the Sino-Soviet relationship is explored even less. Is the country a developing post-colonial country or a political and economic superpower? Incorporated into the chapter about the early foreign relations of the PRC, the episode serves as a diplomatic ‘coming-out party’ for China, with decolonised countries in attendance. ‘National Humiliation, History Education, and the Politics of Historical Memory: Patriotic Education Campaign in China’. Beginning in the 1950s, the newly independent countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America initiate the non-aligned movement to avoid both American and Soviet domination (People’s Education Press 2011a, 124). which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made. It is after the Cold War, when NATO bombs Yugoslavia, that violence becomes a clear tool for hegemonic ambition (People’s Education Press 2011a, 117, 120–1, 127). Setting out the book’s main aims, outline and principal arguments, this chapter offers an important overview of what an emerging multipolar world might mean for the world’s foremost global trading bloc and economic power, the European Union. Klerides, E. 2010. The same chapter also deals with the 1954 Geneva conference, which was convened to negotiate peace settlements for Korea and Indochina. One criticises it on the grounds of China’s needs for economic development and ‘love for peace’ while the other reconciles that love with weapons development on the grounds of external security threats and a declared no first-strike policy (People’s Education Press 2011c, 95). There is little doubt that the United States bears the greatest responsibility for the Cold War, although the Soviet Union had hegemonic ambitions of its own. While the United States’ interactions with other countries are portrayed as exploitative, its internal development, like that of other Western countries, is given a more positive depiction. American involvement in both Korea and Vietnam is part of the pattern of American aggression in pursuit of hegemony and, just as importantly, it allows the United States to directly threaten China. China’s international influence is a marker of its national renewal, yet at the same time the text separates China from all factions and the conflicts of the period. The authors disassociate China from the developing world and emphasise its influence, but because China also opposes the desire for international control that seems to define superpowers, the text sidesteps the question of whether China is an insider or outsider in matters of global power. Referring to current debates in global historiography, I also determine how much space is allocated to actors and events that can be categorized as relevant either for the conflict between East and West or for the conflict between North and South. At the same time, the ‘Third World’ began to merit less attention and textbooks focused more on the west (Croizier 1990, 167–8; Martin 1990, 102–3). The bilateral contest for hegemony is mentioned as a reason for the United States to seek better relations with China, and Brezhnev seeks to gain an advantage by developing Soviet heavy industry (People’s Education Press 2011a, 113, 2011b, 99). The emergence in recent years of the economic and military powers in countries like China, Russia and India has given rise to theories and hopes of a multipolar world that could temper the heavy-handed unilateral/unipolar policies of the United States on a global level. In. They must also address the enormous changes China has been undergoing for the past several decades, including changes to its identity. However, in neither case does the textbook suggest that nuclear war might have devastated the entire world (People’s Education Press 2011a, 121). Xia, Y. Such a trend g… The ‘Third World’ has been receiving increased attention in recent Cold War studies in the global North, and appears in the ‘three worlds’ theory put forward by Mao where it includes the same newly independent and developing countries (Suri 2011, 5). However, the Chinese textbooks devote more attention to American measures to dominate Western Europe and Japan, and those countries’ efforts to break free, than they do to the relations between the superpowers and the developing world. This FPCI Valdai Virtual Conference titled The Emergence of Multipolar World Order: The Importance of ASEAN Centrality will be held in Thursday, July 30th, 2020 at 15.00 – 16.30 WIB (Indonesia time) / 11.00 – 12.30 GMT+3 (Russian Time). 2009. This is an emerging multipolar world. Meanwhile, fears of nuclear weapons that others identify as a major source of Cold War anxiety go unmentioned (Gaddis 2005, 48–82; Walker 1995, 1658). Part of Springer Nature. New Delhi has always been wary of Beijing’s growing economic and military power. In a few instances, China could come across as less than perfectly peaceful, but the textbooks are able to justify China’s actions. Open Access This chapter is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), of the emerging powers, the paper will assess the achievements and divergences of the group and its efforts to raise its status and create a multipolar world. ‘Imagining the Textbook: Textbooks as Discourse and Genre’. ‘Continuing Debate and New Approaches in Cold War History’. Drawing together the analysis above, we can take from it three main insights. Likewise, while ‘contradictions’ between the two superpowers in matters of ‘social system and national interest’ are mentioned at the outset as causes of enmity between the US and the USSR, no further elaboration is offered. 2008. pp 75-105 | All of the essential trends of the Cold War era, including its central conflict, continue to the present day. What answers, then, do the compilers of history textbooks give, considering the rich subject of the Cold War and China’s complicated history during the period? Second, China’s efforts to restore its territorial integrity are important enough to merit a chapter of their own, so the breakup of the Soviet Union is the actual source of anxiety. The global influence or ambitions of the USSR appear negligible at best. ‘New Curriculum Reform and History Textbook Compilation in Contemporary China’. In Quest Of A Multipolar Economic World Order Professor Michael Hudson and Pepe Escobar discuss the emerging economic world order which they define not so much as a conflict between nations, but a rivalry between two competing models of the economy. This may be the sign of a clear or less clear . ‘Conflict and Co-operation in the Cold War: New Directions in Contemporary Historical Research’. Emergence of the Power Blocks: Why the world is going Multipolar? Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. 2013. Khrushchev’s 1956 speech criticising Stalin is presented in the context of the economic reforms he was seeking to implement, a speech that, the textbooks claim, caused ‘huge reverberations inside and outside the Soviet Union’ (People’s Education Press 2011b, 98). She examines the complex conditions under which Chinese textbooks are developed and the practical and political constraints authors face, coupled with the rapid development of the country in recent years with its growing global influence. That this historical and social complexity is compounded with political demands is not unique to China, nor is it unexplored in the Chinese context; indeed, the influence of the Chinese government on textbooks, as through the ‘patriotic education campaign’, is an area of study in its own right (Wang 2012; Zhao 1998). The Marshall Plan’s purpose is to increase American control in Europe as much as to support economic recovery, and much the same can be said of the post-war Bretton Woods system (People’s Education Press 2011a, 119, 2011b, 104–5). Instead, the Soviet experience is primarily useful in that it serves as a negative model for Chinese development, and as a contrast to the path charted by the CCP. Created with HTML5 and JavaScript, this website works great on iPads and tablets too! Walker, J. S. 1995. The emerging multipolar world offers opportunities as well as poses challenges to India’s foreign policy. The absence of the world hegemon or the "world policeman" means that the second-tier states will be more inclined to use coercion as the primary tool to push forward their national interests. The Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution are presented as the two disruptions in China’s development. Download the Interview MP3 audio file. Under Gorbachev, the Soviet Union implemented political changes, but only because economic changes had failed to take hold. Palgrave Studies in Educational Media. The discussion of Cold War-era culture is not connected to the Cold War itself; rather, it is about the everyday human experience and explains ongoing developments in the global cultural landscape. A decade after the split, while the threat the Soviet Union poses to China factors into improved Sino-American relations, there is no mention of any intermediate steps that led to the threat in the first place (People’s Education Press 2011a, 113). Further elaboration on these themes is seen in the coverage of China’s foreign relations and domestic history during the Cold War. The victory of the communist revolution strengthens the global socialist cause. Do economic changes require a political reimagining? by the Wagner School is export credits and non- With the emergence of a multipolar world it has concessional state loans that do not meet ODA moved to the centre of the debate on the future of criteria. This is a preview of subscription content, The European Union in a Multipolar World: World Trade, Global Governance and the Case of the WTO, Political Science and International Studies (R0). In the face of economic success, questions of hegemony and strife disappear. This separation is part of a broader effort by the authors to maintain distance between China and all other factions during the Cold War, part of their process of constructing a specific identity for China. With that comes positive coverage of capitalist economies, as well as a history that prioritises institutions and, despite claiming that the victory of the CCP was an inspiration to revolutionary struggles around the world, is deeply suspicious of revolutionary change in China (People’s Education Press 2011a, 81). However, as the main narrative is about the emergence of a multipolar and thus simultaneously more just world, China’s rise appears to be not only in the interest of the nation but also in the interests of peace and stability for all. Until Sino-American relations are normalised in the 1970s, the United States also directs a particular hostility towards the newly founded PRC. Today, the IMF and World Bank have joined an unprecedented global consensus that higher levels of infrastructure investment will spur growth and create jobs. The textbook states that with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, ‘the world wide socialist movement suffered a setback’, and that China’s reforms were challenged, but not defeated (People’s Education Press 2011b, 56). Sometimes, these two aspects are made to align by arguing that China’s pursuit of security is in fact part of the pursuit of peace. Some blame for the Cold War is attributed to the other Western nations, as in describing Churchill’s 1946 ‘Iron Curtain’ speech as a ‘wanton attack’ on the USSR (People’s Education Press 2011a, 118). These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. By the 1960s and 1970s, Western European unity and economic strength leads them to ‘start shaking off American control’, and De Gaulle’s challenge to American leadership in Europe confirms the divisions emerging in the Western camp (People’s Education Press 2011a, 123). The Emergence of a Multipolar World. We can consider the post World War II system as entering the third phase of polarity. However, the socialist identity that China carries with it into the present is a remarkably flexible one, adapting to the demands of economic development and discarding the class struggle that had once been treated as central (People’s Education Press 2011b, 49, 54, 93). ‘Narratives of the Korean War in Chinese High School History Textbooks’. As the 21st century progresses the framework of international system is again moving from unipolar to a multipolar structure. However, unlike the United States, the Soviet desire for hegemony is not extended towards its own camp, because its camp simply disappears. Meanwhile, the communist bloc is marred by economic failure, becoming a negative example, and in the political realm it offers no sympathetic counterpoint to the United States. Instead, the textbooks emphasise the degree to which China decided its own course. The case in point is the black death (14th-17th centuries) and the two world wars. First, from the perspective of Chinese textbook authors, the Cold War does not mark a significant turning point in the history of the twentieth century. A grand strategic shift is taking place in India’s geopolitical calculus. Other than the US, The Western idea of multiple ‘worlds’ during the Cold War divides the globe into capitalist, communist, and developing countries, the last being the ‘Third World’ (Tomlinson 2003, 307, 309–10). Even the failure of communism in other countries during the Cold War cannot derail China’s economic growth and search for a socialist path to modernity. The benefits of economic growth go unquestioned, even though the authors must create narrative disconnects to do so. While the ‘Third World’ is part of the anti-hegemonic resistance, the little attention it receives focuses just as often on its good relations with China. In 1957, the Soviets assist China’s weapons development by sending them missiles to serve as models. ‘Social Science in the Cold War’. NATO and the Marshall plan are further efforts to contain the Soviet Union (People’s Education Press 2011a, 119–21). In this introductory chapter the concepts and debate on an emerging multipolar world are developed and considered. In reality, a multipolar world has not yet arisen; instead, the new design of the world order is rather different: it is multilateralism, based on interests and not on geopolitical state actors or power blocs that constantly need to ‘balance each other’. © 2020 Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The Cultural Revolution is described as a ‘calamity’ or ‘great catastrophe’, compared to the ‘mistake’ of the Great Leap Forward (People’s Education Press 2011b, 49, 52–3). The development of bebop contains the only, and somewhat oblique, reference to racism in the US in the entire set of textbooks, once a major theme used to illustrate the injustice of a Cold War adversary (People’s Education Press 2011c, 116–18; Yu, 2013, 689, 692). This interpretation attributed the Cold War to the expansionist global ambitions of the United States, and saw the Soviet Union as the leader of the peaceful, democratic camp that stood in opposition to the imperialist capitalists led by the US (Hopkins 2007, 914–15). ‘The Cold War in the Third World, 1963-1975’. The finance capital driven model of the West with a domination of the FIRE… . All other countries belong to the third, with China as their leader in fighting against the oppression of the First World (Yu 2013, 683, 693, 696). After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States ‘attempts to dominate the world single-handedly’ and continues to stir up trouble abroad (People’s Education Press 2011a, 127). They make multiple explicit statements that, following the founding of the PRC, China was ‘independent and acted of its own initiative’ both domestically and in its foreign relations (People’s Education Press 2011a, 80, 107–9, 111). For much of the 1960s and 1970s, history ended with WWII or the Chinese Revolution (Croizier 1990, 161; Martin 1990, 28; Yu 2013, 686, 693, 695–6). The chapter on Mao Zedong’s thought and theory is also interested in institutions and development, with Mao’s real achievement lying in synthesising the collective wisdom of the party, and his theory’s achievement is in adapting Marxism to the needs of China (People’s Education Press 2011c, 83–5). However, in the theory’s initial deployment, the struggle between the First and Third Worlds was seen as paramount, whereas the current textbooks instead explore the tensions between the First and Second and give precious little attention to the Third (Yu 2013, 693, 696). By comparison, the actual wars in Korea and Vietnam only appear once (People’s Education Press 2011a, 109–10, 112–14, 120–1, 2011c, 92, 95). Wang, Z. Both these conceptions of the Cold War appeared in Chinese history textbooks of the era. Duara, P. 2011. In January, America demonstrated its unparalleled military power in the Gulf War, culminating… The Great Leap Forward is characterised by waste and chaos as ‘objective laws’ are ignored in a revolutionary effort to develop the economy. Indeed, compared to the Korean War or any other Cold War event, NATO’s bombing campaign against Yugoslavia draws as much attention and even harsher criticism for the US.1 In this historical vision, the theme of hegemony continues to the present day, and the root cause of suffering during the Cold War does not end with the collapse of the USSR. From the late 1950s to late 1970s, the political standards prescribed for textbooks changed faster than authors could revise the books. Their resistance is part of the same reaction to hegemonic ambition shown by Western Europe. Regional Overview of Infrastructure Initiatives However, the textbooks become decidedly positive when describing American popular culture and its economic growth and technological change after WWII (People’s Education Press 2011b, 90, 2011c, 64, 116–18). In the realm of economic development, the image of the United States and the West is not simply disconnected from ideas of hegemonic struggle in the political realm, but actually contradictory to them, and the two aspects must be resolved through selective emphasis and omission. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union seeks hegemony of its own, remaining, however, largely passive by comparison, or simply absent. Moreover, Chinese people on both sides of the Taiwan straits so desire unity that these past military efforts to achieve it are quickly passed over (People’s Education Press 2011a, 104). In addition to China’s distance from all sides of the Cold War, there is its desire for friendly relations on all sides, the interest in national reunification, a focus on economic growth and technology, and a comparison to other socialist countries. Economic changes happen through orderly reforms and are guided by impersonal Five Year Plans (People’s Education Press 2011b, 50–1). Not only are the countries of the Eastern bloc absent from the discussion of economics and culture, but in the chapters on film and literature, all the examples from the Soviet Union predate World War II, before the Eastern bloc existed (People’s Education Press 2011c, 105, 108, 117). This double threat appears again in the end-of-chapter questions; the reasons behind it, however, are omitted. Samuel Huntington (2007) while describing the world order further, coined the term uni-multipolar balance of power. In. Guerrero (2013) in the BRICS Summit in 2011 identified the increasing presence of the South in global governance, shaping a multi-polar world. The USSR attends but plays no active role. ‘The Cold War as a Historical Period: An Interpretive Essay’. Economically, the non-aligned movement has the stated goal of ‘establishing a new economic world order’, but no further details are given about their efforts or the economic conditions of developing countries in general, unlike the attention given to Soviet and capitalist development (People’s Education Press 2011a, 124). How coherent or ambivalent are these portraits, and how do the authors address the tension that might arise from a complicated history during which China not only changed its alliances but also its identity? Looking beyond labels, the text establishes that China is socialist in that it absorbs lessons from other socialist countries, avoiding their mistakes (People’s Education Press 2011b, 93, 2011c, 84, 88). Neither in its actions nor in the space allotted to it does the Soviet Union occupy a significant position in the textbooks’ account of the Cold War. Instead, globalisation is presented as a positive historical trend that has been developing for centuries (People’s Education Press 2011b, 103). The early political history of the PRC is presented as the formation of China’s political bodies, including the People’s Political Consultative Congress, the National People’s Congress, its local counterparts, and the minority nationality autonomous areas. In fact, of all the major incidents that mark the Cold War, the USSR is only an active participant in the Cuban Missile Crisis, when it hopes that a missile installation might ‘change [its] unfavourable position in the balance of nuclear power’ and secure its strategic interests (People’s Education Press 2011a, 121). By contrast, the sole bright point in the turbulence in Eastern Europe is the reunification of Germany, where readers are shown images of people breaking down the Berlin Wall and celebrating in front of the Reichstag building (People’s Education Press 2011a, 126). By comparison, Chinese political theory is characterised as scientific and adapted to Chinese conditions, allowing for the country’s successful economic growth (People’s Education Press 2011b, 56, 98–101, 2011c, 83–4, 87–8). Elsewhere on the same page, students learn that China developed its own atomic bomb to ‘break the monopoly on nuclear weapons . Rather, it appears to be one of many phases in the emergence of a multipolar world. However, many aspects of the histories of these developing countries are thinly covered. 2011. Yu, M. 2013. © 2020 Springer Nature Switzerland AG. Preserve China ’ s foreign relations and domestic History during the Cold War era, including changes its! 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